
So in another life, ages ago, I wrote this thing called a dissertation, in support of a doctoral degree that I currently get approximately zero material use out of.
Here is the ninth installment of a series that will finally get the whole damned thing out there for public consumption. I'm going to present it verbatim, though I'm sure my thinking has changed in some ways since I originally wrote it (between 1998 and 2004).
Enjoy, if you can!
PREVIOUSLY:
Introduction, part one
Introduction, part two
Chapter one, part one
Chapter one, part two
Chapter two, part one
Chapter two, part two
Chapter two, part three
Chapter three, part one
* * * * *Decomposition: A Critique of Musical Authorship and AuthenticityChapter Three: Authenticity and Written Music (part two)Definitions and History As pervasive as the rhetoric of genius is, it does not operate independently, but rather, as I suggested in the introduction of this book, is supported by the concept of musical authenticity. As it is used more and more loosely, this latter term has arguably lost much of its original meaning, and functions instead as a determinant of aesthetic value: to call something "authentic" is shorthand for praising it in some way (similarly, "inauthentic" works are assumed to be fundamentally corrupt and therefore not "good art"). Of course, this shorthand is related to the reification of art I described earlier. But on a deeper level the linguistic use of "authenticity" now seems to speak to a sense of anxiety about modern life, and in particular the question of how to exist in a world in which the very idea of meaning is constantly in play.
One source of the currency of "authenticity" is the so-called "early music movement"; a sub-genre of classical music which focuses, as the name suggests, on the resurrection and re-performance of earlier (usually much earlier) forms of music from the western art tradition. The synonym of "historically-informed performance" gives something more of the flavor of what this movement is actually about, however: rather than merely revisiting old works, practitioners of early music are typically concerned with historical accuracy. This means that in the case of performing Renaissance music, for instance, period instruments are used, contemporary performance practices are observed, historical context is provided, attention is paid to a composer’s intentions, and so on. Interestingly, however, while the idea of performing older works is not a new phenomenon (Bach is known to have performed Palestrina, for instance), the conviction that such performances could or should be "authentic" is arguably quite recent. In fact it is not really until the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that the idea of authenticity began to take hold as a cultural phenomenon within classical music (Brown 34). The developing stress on authenticity at this time was likely reinforced in complex ways by parallel developments in European and American history: the increasing importance of nationalist movements (particularly the political unification of Germany and Italy in the late 1800s), the growth of disciplines like musicology and music history, and the eventual importance of recording as an archival and analytical medium.
Something of the ideological flavor of the inchoate early music movement is evident in Harold Mayer Brown’s essay on its history. (1) Brown argues that the genre can be traced to the Austro-German musical tradition -- and in particular to the founding of Collegia Musica in German Universities in the first part of the twentieth century (34), as well as the nostalgia among many German music lovers for music of "a simpler past, and [for] a life at one with nature or with God" (36). I don’t have the space here to attempt to make stronger connections between these developments and more sinister trends within contemporary German culture (and in fairness it should be pointed out that the interest in early music developed simultaneously in other areas of Europe as well) -- despite my own sense that at its worst the pursuit of authenticity evokes a kind of musical fascism. Perhaps it is at least worth quoting Brown’s observation that "[t]he appeal to nationalism and the German past left some of these movements open, of course, to being pre-empted by the Nazis when they came to power in the 1930s" (36-7) (note how the Nazis too celebrated a "simpler past," for instance).
In any case, the metaphor of fascism does provide a way to distinguish between a casual interest in and a more extreme quest for musical authenticity. Over the last one hundred years, the latter attitude -- which I distinguish with the label "authenticism" -- has increasingly been found in multiple genres and audiences (e.g. classical music, jazz, folk, "new" music (recall the EAR Unit example)). The subcultures associated with these genres distinguish themselves from the mainstream by a terminology obsessed with the tension between realness and artificiality: "hip," "square," "underground," "poser," "wannabe." Such obsessions are characteristic of the mainstream too, as we will see. In each case, "authenticism" has become a worldview or lifestyle (consider Charles Rosen’s point that "[a] large number of the most radical seekers after authenticity as late as the 1950s were amateur musicians, for whom Early Music was part of a style of life that included playing the recorder, eating brown rice and whole wheat bread, and making their own clothes" (
Critical Entertainments 214)). It is often marked by a limited scope (i.e., a narrowly-defined original that an individual or a work aspires to be authentic to), and is typically supported by a kind of moral conviction, which lends its advocates a demeanor of high seriousness. (2) This latter point explains why debates over the question of aesthetic truthfulness can become fierce and emotional.
The moral fervor (to put it one way) of the authenticist position may be due to the relationship between authenticity and modern life. Robert P. Morgan argues that authenticity is propelled by a broad cultural attitude of "insecurity, uncertainty, and self-doubt -- in a word, by anxiety" (57). Historian William Howland Kenney, paraphrasing T. J. Jackson Lears, traces this attitude to early-twentieth-century America, and consumer susceptibility to the marketing campaigns of recording industry pioneers:
Many Americans experienced an inner emptiness and a sense of unreality in a swiftly industrializing and urbanizing society; they longed to be “liberated” from sterile repression and hungered for an “intense experience” of “radiant, wholesome living.” The business elite in general and Eldridge Johnson [of the Victor recording company] in particular seized upon this shared pattern of emotions and, in a movement that has not been sufficiently appreciated, offered in the experiences of phonographs […] a spiritual transcendence of the sterility of modern life (56).
According to this description, the costs of missing out on the kind of authenticity purportedly offered by recordings -- a denial of “spiritual transcendence,” no less -- were rather high. Miles Orvell, in a study of the nineteenth century fascination with repetition, makes a similar argument about the origins of what I am calling the authenticist view: “One might imagine that the concept of authenticity begins in any society when the possibility of fraud arises, and that fraud is at least possible whenever transactions -- whether social, political, commercial, or aesthetic -- routinely occur, especially when the society becomes so large that one usually deals with strangers, not neighbors” (
The Real Thing, xvii). The threat of fraud leads individuals living in such an environment to seek out what is “real,” what can be understood and analyzed, or what is dependable.
Interestingly, however, Orvell suggests that in contrast to this “attitude of the authentic,” which he attributes to the nineteenth century, the current age is characterized by a “culture of the factitious.” He argues that “[w]e have a hunger for something like authenticity, but we are easily satisfied by an ersatz facsimile” (xxiii), and refers to the oft-cited notion that postmodernity demonstrates “a willingness to take style seriously (or, should I say, playfully) without worrying about deeper significance” (xxiii). To illustrate his argument, Orvell points to a number of cultural moments so patently fake that it seems unlikely anyone would value them for their veracity (for instance: a Disney World scene of “automated Indians eternally pounding corn along the banks of a man-made river” (xxiii)).
Yet, insightful as it is, Orvell’s assessment of the relationship between contemporary society and authenticity overlooks a number of recent musical trends. Close examination of “postmodern” discourses in music suggests that, as with the traditional western conception of artistic genius, the authenticist position is alive and well in this art form. Such discourses lack the sort of irony that usually characterizes “postmodern playfulness” -- but more importantly, they tend to be motivated by the authenticist’s moral conviction and narrow scope. We have already considered the Zappa example -- here are a few others:
Arguably, the 1990s resurgence of swing music (complete with revived fashions, attitudes, and language) is, for its core audience, no less the realization of what Orvell calls the “appetite for the authentic” than was the original swing period of the 30s and 40s -- despite the fact that half a century has elapsed. Of the original swing movement, historian William Howland Kenney writes that “[c]ollecting [swing] records became an enduring passion, an intellectual preoccupation, and a way of life” (18); Andre Millard adds that swing’s proponents were “‘hepcats’ who followed their favorite band with a devotion unknown since the golden age of the silent cinema in the 1920s” (184). The more recent version of this movement typically functions in a similar way, and is quite lacking in self-consciousness. For instance, when writing of the rivalry between coastal schools of the genre, the NY-based label Skully Records claims that
East Coast Swing is more of a purer, faster, real Savoy Ballroom type of swing, while the West Coast Swing Style is a sultrier, slower variation of the Savoy Lindy Hop. The East Coast Swingers find West Coast overly sexual, while West Coast aficionados find New York’s traditional Lindy as too wild. There is some bad blood flowing between the two styles because each fears losing dancers to the other side.
There is an urgency in the language here that undercuts the possibility of camp; the seriousness attached to competing interpretations of the genre, made more earnest by the threat of “bad blood” (3) indicate that, for some of its proponents, swing is more than a mere weekend diversion -- and certainly not the easy satisfaction of an “ersatz facsimile.” Later in this same essay the writer explains that “[s]wing offers a joyous alternative to a generation that came of age during the AIDS crisis, and a time when sexuality was hidden under grunge”; according to this interpretation, swing is a lifestyle. The idea that swing is a response to an environment of exigency undercuts Orvell’s idea that postmodern approaches to authenticity are unconcerned with “deeper significance”; it is arguably historical weightiness that the writer seems to be striving for when, for instance, he or she capitalizes the first letters of the different swing movements and dances (“East Coast Swing,” “Savoy Lindy Hop”).
An authenticist perspective also informs jazz as a whole; here the debate takes the form of an aesthetic and rhetorical tension -- particularly observable in the last few decades -- between the concepts of “tradition” and “innovation.” Jazz traditionalists espouse an already-established, “authentic” manifestation of the music, while jazz innovators ostensibly strive for something new (although many in the latter category are actually just as concerned with their own version of authenticity). Although a relatively new art form, jazz -- perhaps because it developed in the twentieth century, and was invigorated by recording technology -- has already gone through at least two “revival” periods. In the 30s and 40s, one group of musicians undertook a “dixieland revival” -- a resurrection of early New Orleans jazz from the beginning of the century, and soon perceived as a reaction to the (then) provocative and aggressive new stance of bebop. Ironically, in the 1980s and 90s, bebop itself become a repertory style (perhaps even more ironically, it earned the allegiance of many younger jazz musicians, often referred to as the “young lions”). Leading proponents of what came to be known as “neoclassical” or (depending on the labeler’s own biases) “neoconservative” jazz appeared to emphasize the importance of “tradition” -- which for many of them would eventually include all jazz forms up through the late 50s, but not beyond -- and framed this emphasis in terms of their understanding of “authentic” generic qualities.
This emphasis on authenticity is evident, for instance, in the writing of critic Tom Piazza, one of the neotraditionalists’ strongest supporters. In an essay entitled “The Shock of the Old” -- a discussion of the Classical Jazz at Lincoln Center series (one of the best known jazz repertory programs) -- Piazza describes a “new” (1990) performance of Duke Ellington’s “Diminuendo and Crescendo in Blue”:
For the second year running, twenty-three-year-old tenorist Todd Williams, who plays with Wynton Marsalis’s septet, hit the ball out of the park on a Paul Gonsalves feature. Last year, Williams took on Gonsalves’ role in the series’s performance of “Diminuendo and Crescendo in Blue.” Gonsalves caused an uproar at the 1956 Newport Jazz Festival by playing 27 blues choruses on tenor at a rocking medium tempo in the middle of the extended piece. At Classical Jazz last year, Williams truly recreated the moment -- not by playing Gonsalves’ solo note for note, but by playing something original that fit idiomatically with what Gonsalves had done. As a result, he generated the same kind of excitement Gonsalves had. Williams did it again this year, on the “Ready, Go” section of Toot Suite […] (162).
Recall that the authenticist perspective is defined in part by a limited scope. Although Piazza ostensibly recognizes Williams’ “originality” here, the burden of a specific recreation is striking. For as Stanley Dance points out in the liner notes to Ellington at Newport, the 1956 “Diminuendo” performance was not the sole version in which Gonsalves took a lengthy solo, but only the most famous. Dance writes that “one night at Birdland in 1951 [thus five years before Newport], Ellington told the band to get out 107 and 108” -- the numbers for the first and second half of “Diminuendo and Crescendo in Blue.” He goes on:
When the band finished the first part, Paul Gonsalves leaned over to his leader at the piano and asked to take a few choruses. “Go ahead,” Ellington replied. By the time he got through, more than 20 choruses later, the tenor player had the customers standing on their chairs and screaming. Ellington remembered that night five years afterwards at Newport and asked Gonsalves to blow as long as he liked after the diminuendo section (4).
After the famous performance at Newport, Gonsalves would be asked to perform the Diminuendo solo, according to Dance, “by audiences everywhere for the rest of his life” (5).
Given the existence of what might be called a “Diminuendo solo tradition,” then, why does Piazza expect that Williams’ improvisation on the tune should reference Gonsalves’ 1956 Newport solo specifically? One likely explanation is that the fame of the Newport performance / recording has, in the view of most jazz critics, raised it to the level of an “authoritative” version. Thus when Piazza argues that what Williams played fit “idiomatically,” he is being misleading; “idiom” refers to a general style, while Piazza clearly means that Williams matched the spirit and ideas of a specific recording of a specific solo -- regardless of the possibility that Gonsalves himself may have played the solo differently during other performances. Piazza thus succeeds in setting up an extremely narrow standard for Williams’ recreation -- ironically, given that Piazza is discussing an improvisation. Nor is this an unusual paradox: critic Francis Davis, in describing a 1988 performance of the Mingus Big Band -- a repertory group dedicated to jazz composer / bassist Charles Mingus (who had died nearly a decade earlier) and at the time largely comprised of former Mingus sidemen -- wrote with disappointment that “it was painful to watch the great [pianist] Jaki Byard tentatively reading passages that he probably made up from scratch (at the composer’s angry urging) twenty-five years earlier” (Outcats, 206) .
Later in “The Shock of the Old,” Piazza attempts to justify the neotraditionalist stance:
[…] is newness really a value in its own right? Maybe for stockbrokers who make unnecessary trades to generate more money in commissions, but for music lovers? Reviewers have this much in common with stockbrokers and racetrack touts: Without a hot tip of the day, they go hungry.
Maybe the reviewers who are addicted to the new have bought more heavily than they realize into the values of an advertising culture they usually decry. There’s no more sense in being opposed to change in the abstract than there is in being in favor of change in the abstract. Change happens whether you want it to or not. But what is needed isn’t so much a change in the music as a change in the quality of attention paid to it. By casting new light on what has endured in jazz, Classical Jazz creates an environment in which musicians, listeners, and even reviewers can all grow -- deeper, not just faster. (165-6)
Piazza’s specific call for “depth” once again undercuts Orvell’s assumption that post-moderns are unconcerned with “deeper significance.” But note too Piazza’s association of “the new” (i.e., innovation) with stockbrokers and advertising culture. These comparisons tell us a great deal about the neotraditional concern for authenticity: Wall Street and Madison Avenue are easy metaphors for the impure, the ungenuine, and the unreal in American culture. In truth, of course, jazz has historically been fueled (both aesthetically and economically) by “the new,” (4) and (arguably) sustained not by advertising or the stock market but by youth culture, as Kenney points out:
Many younger Americans of different ethnic backgrounds treated jazz records as invitations to daring open-ended experiences and reveled in their bright, swaggering musical language, one that seemed to defy traditional conventions of both popular and concert hall performance. Labeled as “vulgar,” “illicit,” and “out-of-control” by the gatekeepers of traditional musical culture, jazz records for that very reason appealed all the more to significant numbers of young Americans. As a result, from 1917 to 1945, jazz, blues, and hot social dance records contributed mightily to the process of creating new popular music cultures (14)
Kenney adds that jazz’s association with innovation and newness was also used, particularly by European listeners, as a form of metaphorical resistance to authority -- and resistance specifically to extreme traditionalist movements like fascism (18). (Note how we are back once again to the political associations with which we began this essay.)
While jazz might be considered a subculture, the authenticist position is also apparent in American music at large. It was surely revealed with a vengeance when in 1990 Rob Pilatus and Fabrice Morvan of the pop group Milli Vanilli were forced to give back their “best new artist” Grammy because they did not actually sing on their first album,
Girl You Know It’s True. Importantly, Milli Vanilli’s “inauthentic” status did not quite register until after the official demand to return the award -- despite the fact that evidence that they were not singers existed beforehand. (For instance, in one performance antedating the scandal, the accompanying tape recording got stuck, skipping on a single musical phrase instead of continuing with the current song. Video footage of the event reveals the obvious disruption that resulted, as Pilatus runs off stage in chagrin. But at the time no one else seemed to notice or care about the sync problem.) When the truth about the making of
Girl You Know It’s True had officially been revealed, Pilatus responded to charges of audience betrayal by calling the agreement to use other singers “a pact with the devil”; he later died in what may have been a suicide.
The almost universal condemnation of Milli Vanilli was not typical of a society that has accepted “play” as an aesthetic value; in fact, Pilatus and Morvan actually attempted to use play as a damage control device, making fun of themselves in a chewing gum commercial shortly after the Grammy incident -- to no avail. At least two lawsuits were filed on behalf of “deceived record buyers” (
Time, Dec. 3 1990), and former fans who had bought the album were prompted to send in for a rebate. A New Jersey congressman proposed “a law banning unannounced lip-synching at concerts” (Friedman). Milli Vanilli songs were completely removed from radio playlists, and a generally scornful attitude prevailed in popular commentary on the incident. Consider for instance the following after-the-fact entry in the
Rolling Stone Album Guide: “According to producer Frank Farian, Pilatus and Morvan were hired only for their looks, which he felt would add street-level credibility to the music. Apparently, the street he had in mind was Sesame Street, since only a listener with the approximate intelligence of Big Bird could have fallen for such a contrived attempt at rap and funk” (quoted by Ron Gerber).
Although ostensibly motivated by a concern for the fair treatment of musicians (another famous incident the following year would involve dance group C&C Music Factory, whose video for their number one hit, “Gonna Make You Sweat (Everybody Dance Now),” did not feature lead singer Martha Wash, but rather replaced her with the more model-like Zelma Davis), the Milli Vanilli situation provided a springboard for a broad expression of the authenticist position. For instance, it arguably served as the catalyst for the 90s resurgence of “acoustic” music -- a combination of the folk and singer-songwriter traditions that was manifested in programs like MTV’s
Unplugged series, in which artists who were associated with “electric” music (Rod Stewart, Bon Jovi, and others) performed versions of their best-known material, but on “acoustic” instruments.
Unplugged in fact neatly encapsulates the problem of authenticity in pop: the show’s title was somewhat misleading, as, regardless of the instruments used, these performances still required amplification. Instruments and vocals were miked, and despite the presence of a small live audience, most listeners could only experience the music through the speakers on their (plugged-in) television sets (and later in CD releases of the same material). The coexistence of the
Unplugged phenomenon (the show premiered in 1989) and the Milli Vanilli backlash recalls the hypocrisy of the 1960s folk movement, whose audiences booed Bob Dylan for bringing electric guitar into his set at the Newport folk festival, and yet had previously accepted the electrical recording process as a way for Dylan to disseminate his repertoire. (5)
What Ted Friedman calls the “scapegoating” of Milli Vanilli ignored the fact that in the modern music industry, the group’s failure to sing on
Girl You Know It’s True is merely one example of the kind of deceptions recording technology makes possible; as Friedman points out, Milli Vanilli “were the recording industry’s sacrifice meant to improve the integrity of the rest of their product -- as if the music marketed under the names U2 or Janet Jackson WEREN’T every bit as constructed and mediated, just because the voices on the records matched the faces in the videos” (1, emphasis in original). Aside from Milli Vanilli producer Frank Farian’s statement that “what happened [in the making of
Girl You Know It’s True] is common procedure in the music business” (Craig Rosen,
Billboard Book of Number One Albums), anecdotal evidence suggests that many popular artists do not actually sing when they are performing live (many of the dance moves being too stressful to allow for simultaneous and accurate singing), and that many of these same artists frequently employ digital editing procedures in studio (e.g. pitch-correction techniques that “fix” lines that may have been sung out of tune during a recording session). But far more routine practices that are similarly “deceptive” have long gained acceptance among popular music audiences. As Glenn Gould pointed out in 1966, for instance, “the great majority of present-day recordings consist of a collection of tape segments varying in duration upwards from one twentieth of a second” -- referring to the practice of splicing and inserting, a practice arguably even more popular today, with the option of digital editing. Of course, music editing was once considered repugnant as well; recall the uproar that followed the revelation that Elizabeth Scwarzkopf had sung a high “C” for Kirsten Flagstad on a 1951 recording of
Tristan und Isolde (6). But over time, while popular audiences seem to have accepted these sorts of “fakeries” as the norm, the condemnation of Milli Vanilli has become the stuff of pop music legend.
The Milli Vanilli example (7) suggests that the authenticist worldview is not merely a phenomenon of subcultures. Arguably, the broad popularity of entertainment trends like “reality TV” and the
Matrix film series -- both of which are unreal advocates of authenticity -- also suggest that “ersatz facsimile” is no longer enough for many Americans. My concern, of course, is with the music industry. It is my contention that this industry gets a great deal of use out of the concept of authenticism. For while the rhetoric of genius reifies composition, authenticity reifies music itself, transforming it from a process or experience into a commodity: “the score,” “the transcription,” “the recording,” “the performance.” My critique of this phenomenon will unfold in two parts: in the next chapter I’ll be addressing the pursuit of authenticity in live and recorded performance. But first I will focus on how the same pursuit informs written music -- by which I mean music that has expression via some kind of written document. To this end I will look at both transcriptions (documents created after a performance, as a written record of that performance), and scores (documents preceding a performance, created as, to use Zappa’s term, the written “recipe” for that performance). Taken together, both chapters will support the idea that musical authenticity is an untenable goal -- the more we zoom in on what we believe to be the authentic work, the more that work actually disappears.
* * * * *Notes for this section
1. “Pedantry or Liberation?”, in Authenticity and Early Music, edited by Nicholas Kenyon (1988).
2. Note that this can be contrasted with Peter Kivy’s more complex point, in Authenticities, that a work can be “authentic” in different ways.
3. One wonders what would really be the harm of losing dancers “to the other side”? (Surely others would come along at some point?)
4. Note that in the twentieth century, jazz seemed to change form with each decade.
5. And as David Buxton puts it, “The later folk purists were mistaken in the belief that with the use of nonelectric technology, they were somehow less compromised with monopoly capitalism and its advanced technology: folk music was a commodity on the mass market and no less ‘commercial’ than the rock and roll they criticized” (qtd. in Frith and Goodwin, 428).
6. In “The Prospects of Recording” (published in High Fidelity in 1966), Glenn Gould criticizes the anti-splicing camp for being defenders of “aesthetic morality,” substantiating his point by referring to the Tristan recording: “Elisabeth Schwarzkopf appends a missing high C to a tape of Tristan otherwise featuring Kirsten Flagstad, and indignant purists, for whom music is the last blood sport, howl her down, furious at being deprived a kill.”
7. Another example of how an authenticist view occurs in pop music with results that are quite serious (undercutting the notion that postmodern authenticity is about play) occurs with the “tribute band” phenomenon. As Steve Appleford points out, tribute bands play the music and copy the performance style of a given famous pop group—often “classic rock” groups like the Beatles, KISS, Boston. While discussing Sticky Fingers, a Rolling Stones tribute group, Appleford points out that the lead singer (whose stage name, Dick Swagger, would seem to signal an attitude of camp) “has become an involuntary object of obsession. He receives desperate, hand-written, 17-page letters. His voice mail is flooded. Gigs are occasionally disrupted by what Swagger calls (without elaboration) ‘strange behavior’ in the crowd” (54). Note that the group markets itself as “The Best of the Rolling Stones Live,” so that it is not immediately apparent that it is a tribute band (www.stickyfingerslive.com).
Photo credits:
"World's Greatest Fake," by Cliff1066"Photographic Proof NASA Faked the Moon Landing," by woodleywonderworks